She'll Be Wearing Pink Chaddis When She Comes!

On February 9th 2009, Martin Luther King Jr’s son arrived to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his father’s visit to India. In 1959, King Jr. returned to the US infused with the Gandhian mantra of non-violence to resist the segregation of his people.

On the same day that King Jr III commenced his India visit, this writer’s mailbox was enthusiastically inundated by the ‘pink chaddi’ campaign, sponsored by the Consortium of Pub-Going Loose and Forward Women, resolutely resisting the segregation of their ilk by Pramod Muthalik and his saffron hued cultural crusaders - the Shree Ram Sena.

King had acknowledged his intellectual debt to Gandhi saying “Since being in India I am more convinced than ever before that the method of non-violent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity”.

Fifty years later a gentleman from Chandigarh aptly christening himself ‘Ignoramus’ felt it necessary to recognise the Mahatma’s contribution to the ‘pink chaddi’ campaign with a blog comment saying “I would equate it to the Ahimsa movement by Gandhiji. The best revolution and inline with Baapuji's call for Ahimsa. Gandhigiri at its best” .

While the ‘pink chaddi’ campaign has captured the imagination of 14800 members on Facebook, securing the attention of the international press including the BBC, its myopic objective is restricted to elbowing Muthalik off the column centimetres with apparent and immediate success.

In a modus operandi of intolerance akin to their bête noire, the blog has been sanitized of critical comments, including those of this writer. Given, the association of the ‘pink chaddi’ campaign with champions of free expression - such as Tehelka in New Delhi and the Alternative Law Forum in Bangalore - expunging comments that sit uncomfortably with the cause is certainly not cricket.

The ‘pink chaddi’ concept deserves acknowledgement but unfortunately the combative nature of the campaign is antithetical to the Gandhian spirit of non-violence. While the Consortium certainly comprises numerous accomplished women, their political immaturity is evidently reflected in mirroring Muthalik’s language of confrontation, through which they have opted to demean themselves. Perhaps, faculties diminished by ‘pub-going’ encouraged the adoption of such a sensationalist but challenged strategy?

Apart from their captivating media attention over the subsequent days let us forecast the balance sheet of this campaign’s accomplishments. Rather than being humiliated, Pramod Muthalik will probably discount pink knickers for an inaccurate saffron hue and distribute this as largesse to his constituency comprising female supporters of every endowment.

Otherwise, the Shree Ram Sena lumpen will make substantial amounts of money selling softer pink grease rags across Karnataka to fund further dastardly acts of hooliganism. In all probability, some of his sympathisers are already laughing their way to the bank selling thousands of pink knickers during a recession. Not least, the postman will receive a bonus delivering this dubious bounty!

The consortium has not considered the fact that the Shree Ram Sena has a substantial constituency amongst women who are equally disapproving of “pub culture”.

Furthermore, the women of an entire minority community - otherwise in solidarity by virtue of gender - would distance themselves from spiritual pursuits in the pub not prescribed in their religious doctrines.

Finally, while this consortium enjoyed the opportunity of providing leadership to women across India at the receiving end of relentless male chauvinism, it is disappointing that they opted to segregate themselves from such responsibility to assert the blinkered purpose of their looseness, forwardness and ‘pub bharo’ rights instead.

Segregated from ‘pub bharo’, the ‘pink chaddi’ is a singular idea but the combination has left its slip showing. Dispatching pink knickers in bulk to Muthalik would reinforce the resolve of his cadres to retaliate manifold and win him sympathy from fence sitters.

Adopting the Gandhian way would have transformed the campaign from the sensational to the substantial. Exploiting the colour pink that symbolised the segregation and systematic elimination of an entire race would have captivated world imagination and given this campaign stature.

Sending the ‘chaddis’ to Muthalik is a protest of convenience conducted in anonymity not commensurate with the courage shown by women of the Chipko Movement.

To achieve that transformation, it would have required the ‘pink chaddi’ to signify more than a ‘bubble gum and Barbie doll’ Valentine Day protest. The courage of wearing the ‘chaddi’ as an over-garment - symbolising the segregation of progressive women by a horde of saffron hued neo-fascists - would have earned “ world sympathy, in the battle of right against might” to quote the Mahatma.

Cellular Satyagraha Explained

The object of proposing the 'Cellular Satyagraha Divas' February 14th was to assess public opinion for the 'convenient' alternative to the preferred non-violent plan of action, which involved joining the people of Mangalore on the streets in an demonstration of solidarity - a peaceful show of strength' rather than a protest.

Such a non-violent plan of action seemed premature without a response from the people of Mangalore itself. Meanwhile, the citizens of Bangalore were overawed with the logistics of such an initiative which involved travelling to Mangalore en masse to execute such a 'show of strength'.

The alternative was to design a strategy that straddled geographical challenges with an equivalent if not more significant impact. Thus, Cellular Satyagraha is a 'strategy in progress' building on the lessons of the Cellular Silence Day initiative.

It is perhaps time to explore migrating protests off the roads onto the digital and infotech highways, where a protest does not physically inconvenience or, affect the livelihood of those who do not wish to take part. Thereafter, as and when a protest does hit the streets, it would enhance the significance and value of the same.

Infotech highways are perceived as avenues of delivering consumption, encouraging you to make more calls, send more messages, watch more television etc. etc.. The ownership of these highways is in the hands of a few who wish to determine how we think, what we think and even when to think. The 'big brothers' of business decide "what is good for business is good for the people of India"

If at the press of a button on a cell phone or, TV remote we can assume control over that process; empowering citizens with the knowledge that they can stop consuming as and when they choose, then there is potential to exploit this strategy to enthuse and engage significant sections of the population in participatory 'press button' democracy.

We have to push such highways through to the rural areas in due course to empower the citizen in the vlllage too, so that he/she too may choose to have their voice heard - or not heard - at the press of a button.

This would be a participatory democracy of citizens with the choice of involving themselves in the process; having a direct influence rather than outsourcing their democracy to elected representatives and political parties over whom there is virtually no control between elections.

The Cellular Satyagraha strategy is effective only if millions put off their cell phones. It is therefore necessary to find out how many are prepared to do so; to assert their citizen rights at the cost of some inconvenience - that could be deemed 'self sacrifice' in this age of rampant consumerism

If we affect big business then they lean on the political class, since the latter rely on their funding and support on the business houses. Quite simply, if Muthalik is 'bad for business' then he be will shut down; the captains of industry do not want to antagonise the 'consumer'

Secondly, if the numbers switching of phones and ready to sign a petition are the same, then that sends a message to the political class that ignoring significant sections of public opinion - mobilised through such digital highway initiatives - would no longer be an option.

The 'Cellular Silence Day' initiative had an exponential effect with infinitely more people putting their phones off, than the 4900 who actually signed the petition. In Gujarat, for example an entire community boycotted the products of two of the telecom providers. One of the business houses even thought it appropriate to use legal intimidation to silence the petition.

If a few thousand signatories could generate national media coverage for three weeks, consider what more zeroes could do, added to that number of 4900.

So, this is another step towards scaling up the strategy, engaging citizen support, so that in the near future it becomes progressively easier to mobilise public opinion and have them respond instantly via the digital highways; to make them aware of the potential and possibilities.

What this is NOT, is a strategy of confrontation that alienates the people with whom engaging in dialogue is most important. It is to inform the powers that be that the citizen is no push over; that in the era of consumption he/she can exert influence at the press of a button.

If you have not visited then C+ive website yet, at www.c-positive.in, may I suggest you drop by and browse the charter. The idea is to have a home grown civic society where strategies and initiatives emerge through the 'noise and chaos' of discussion. It is the citizen who is supreme, not elected representatives and certainly not political parties.

It is through such engagement becoming wider, more intense but remaining constructive, that non-violent strategies of the digital age will evolve, engaging everybody in the process of building consensus

Cellular Silence Day_ Why?

Dear Friends

I wish to share with you a letter I wrote to my fraternity of film-makers.

Thank you for lending your voice in support.

As part of the middle class we've been incessantly buffeted and bullied by the political and corporate class of the country. They treat us like cattle to be milked off votes fed on a constant supply of consumerism, confident that they will dull our minds into apathy and indifference while they arrogantly pursue their machinations.

It is high time we showed our strength on the floor of the country by giving ourselves a much needed vote of confidence, proving that we can be a majority to be reckoned with.

In striving for that majority we shall adopt strategies that are non-violent in word and deed; engage in dialogue and relentlessly pursue the path of conflict resolution. What we need to do in times of moral poverty is engage the conscience of fellow citizens no matter how impossible it seems at present.

We might not wish to engage in active politics for a myriad reasons but we can easily restore a citizens' democracy to ourselves built on ethics and compassion. This we can do with a 'zero tolerance' for corruption beginning within the four walls of our home, zero tolerance for tainted officials and peoples' representatives; respect for the rule of law; respect for rules of the road; ethical investments only in companies that have best practices in fair trade and social responsibility.

We show our 'zero tolerance' through sustained campaigns like Cellular Silence, gaining in numbers as we go along,

I have remained quiet for way too long and I want to find my voice. Most importantly ,I refuse to "say die" without trying.

So, let's wake up India and be the change we wish to see in the world